11 months ago, we examined why American drones were struggling in Ukraine. Overengineering, high costs and slow adaptation had produced systems poorly suited to the war.
Those problems are aging badly.
And the next obstacle is even larger: improving individual platforms accomplishes little if they arrive in insufficient numbers, years after the threat they were designed to counter has changed.
Western governments do recognize the need for mass and rapid adaptation. Their announcements contain the right vocabulary: attritable systems, sovereign production, open architecture and accelerated procurement. Yet, the programs examined here still fall well short of the industrial scale visible in Ukraine and China, while Russia demonstrates how successive modifications can move from combat experience into production.
The assessment remains too little, too late. Small orders leave forces unable to sustain heavy consumption. Long delivery schedules give adversaries time to counter the systems being developed.
Together, those weaknesses risk producing expensive fleets that are difficult to replace and already need substantial revision when they enter service.
Too little: orders measured against wartime consumption
The Pentagon’s Drone Dominance program recorded 30,000 drones ordered in its first competition, aiming to purchase more than 200,000 by 2027. Repeated competitions and a steadier demand are clear signs of improvement, but the scale still needs to be judged against the war that prompted them.
Wartime deliveries dwarf U.S. opening orders
FPV drone deliveries, program target and initial orders
Ukraine’s Ministry of Defence reported receiving 3 million FPV drones alone in 2025. That works out to an average of 250,000 a month.
The 200,000-unit benchmark in the American program is smaller than that single month’s average delivery volume. And while drone Dominance is one program, rather than the whole of American procurement, it is explicitly intended to establish mass supply. The ambitions it carries remain modest beside a demonstrated wartime requirement.
This comparison does not prescribe a Ukrainian force structure for the United States. It shows the size of the industrial task once drones become a routinely consumed weapon. Training, operational losses and deliberate expenditure all create recurring demand. A purchase sufficient to equip units initially may be wholly inadequate to keep them equipped through a campaign.
Replicator exposed an earlier version of the problem. It aimed to field thousands of attritable systems by August 2025.
But by summer, only hundreds had been fielded, according to a source close to the Department of War (DOW). Even an ambition expressed in thousands proved difficult to translate into deliveries.
Russia, holding direct on-the-ground experience, is wisely planning on a different scale. Moscow's 2025 production plans aim for roughly 2 million FPVs, longer-range and decoy drones. While a production target is not verified output, it does, however, signal the volume around which Russian industrial planning was being organized even as many Western programs continue to try to deliver their first thousands.
Amid all this, the key measure is emerging to be how many suitable systems can actually reach units each month, and for how long that supply can survive component shortages, factory disruption and changing requirements.
An order book can grow rapidly from a small base without approaching that standard.
A national industry cannot be assembled on demand
From an industry standpoint, China is a great example. Its industry ministry reported 3.17 million civilian-drone deliveries in 2023, with more than 2,300 manufacturing enterprises and over 1,000 mass-produced types. These drones were not a count of military capability.
The figures, instead, describe a commercial manufacturing base with a depth of suppliers, tooling and production experience that a handful of defense contracts cannot quickly reproduce.
Beijing's industrial depth penetrates this sector, cutting across geographies, far deeper than what might first appear. Chinese components dominate the multirotor supply chains in a way that almost every state is critically dependent on them, if they seek volume.
Replacing final assembly therefore addresses only part of the problem. Motors, flight controllers, sensors and their upstream materials must also be available in sufficient volume. A domestically assembled drone can still depend on a component whose supply disappears in the conflict it was bought for.
Japan’s Prodrone revealed both the value and the limits of current industrial investment. Its supply-security plan targets capacity of 58,000 drones a year by March 2029, serving inspection, logistics, disaster prevention and other markets. That is useful capacity to build, but it is also a future annual target for a mixed civilian market, which is several steps removed from the military replacement rate available today.
The gap cannot likely be closed simply by authorizing larger purchases after fighting begins.
Workers must be trained, suppliers qualified, production equipment installed and alternatives tested. Those investments need sustained demand before an emergency. Until then, plans for sovereign production offer less resilience than their headline capacities suggest.
Too late: the threat moves during development
Britain’s Project NYX brought the scale and timing problems together. In July, the government confirmed funding for up to 24 drones by 2030. The concept and demonstration phase is expected to finish in 2028, whereas the size of the fleet beyond 2030 remains undecided. These are sophisticated Apache companions, but a fleet of that size offers limited room for losses or sustained deployment across multiple formations.
Germany’s Bundeswehr has likewise described an order for 21 Eurodrones, with introduction planned for 2030. These aircraft serve different missions from FPVs. Because of which, their value must be judged accordingly, including whether their sensors, communications and operating concepts remain effective against the defenses they will encounter when delivered.
4 years is a long time in that contest. So far, 2-month loops (or sometimes mere weeks) are needed from a frontline need to mass-produced FPV drones. At that pace, a 4-year delivery window allows 2 dozen rounds of adaptation.
Across parallel work on navigation, communications, sensors, software and countermeasures, the battlefield can change repeatedly while a procurement program advances through its scheduled milestones.
That does not require the entire drone to become obsolete every 2 months. A sound airframe can retain its utility while a vulnerable radio link, defeated navigation method or outdated mission system prevents it from doing the job for which it was bought. Operational obsolescence can often simply arrive through one critical dependency.
The longer development takes, the more demanding the revision burden becomes. A program must incorporate new threat information, test the response, secure the components and introduce the change into production. If those steps move at the pace of the original acquisition, the program can spend its final years catching up with problems that have already changed again.
This is where open architecture could likely become necessary progress, and ensure an operational and competitive edge. The Air Force’s CCA architecture work is intended to make mission autonomy easier to integrate across suppliers.
Inside the U.S. CCA Program
Production drones, mission autonomy, control infrastructure, and fleet targets
Increment 1
FQ-42A
Vengeance Production contract awardedFQ-44A
Fury Production contract awardedSoftware competition
RTX Collins Aerospace
SidekickProduction optionFlight-tested on YFQ-42A
Shield AI
HivemindProduction optionFlight-tested on YFQ-44A
Anduril
Mission autonomyProduction optionPrimary autonomy selection: summer 2027.
03 / CONTROLDeployable C25 prototype vendors
Deployable C2
Portable Command and Control Enclave / C2E
Production & targets
Initial Increment 1 production
In service by 2032
Overall fleet objective
05 / DEVELOPMENTFollow-on designsTalon Blue & Vectis
Follow-on designs
YFQ-48A Talon Blue
Company-fundedPursuing Increment 2Vectis
PrototypeFirst flight planned for 2027The program's model advances autonomy software that can operate across different manufacturers' drones, and has even established a competitive pool of 6 mission-autonomy vendors. At the center of this effort lies the mission of allowing new capabilities to be introduced without redesigning entire platforms.
In parallel, competition could edge toward individual software capabilities, reducing dependence on any single manufacturer.
But its military value still depends on how quickly revisions actually reach operational drones. An interface that permits an upgrade does not ensure the upgrade will be funded, tested, approved, and fielded in time. And even then, the sensors and computing hardware onboard must be capable of supporting it.
Advanced drone systems will continue to have an important role, but their long development timelines do little to address immediate shortages. Military forces still need sufficient numbers of operationally capable drones while next-generation systems are being developed, along with the ability to continually adapt those systems once fielded.
Even a successful future platform will offer limited military value if production cannot meet operational demand or its capabilities cannot keep pace with changing threats.
Russia is producing through the learning cycle
Russia’s Geran program actually conveys the competitive problem more clearly than a list of future delivery dates. Leaked records describe Iranian transfers of equipment, blueprints, source code and training to establish Russian manufacturing. The records indicate an industrial project that extended well beyond purchasing finished drones.
Recent successive changes to Geran navigation and communications. Larger antenna arrays appeared as electronic warfare evolved. An improvised cellular modem seen in 2023 developed into standardized telemetry equipment by early 2025. The production system started to absorb lessons as the weapon remained in use.
More substantial redesigns subsequently disrupted output as Russia reorganized production. That matters, but it does not erase the advantage: Russia was paying the industrial cost of introducing later versions of a weapon it had already fielded. Dependence on foreign components remained a vulnerability, yet it had not prevented the country from building and revising the system.
Each cycle also adds practical knowledge: which components fail, which modifications help, what operators can use, and what factories can reproduce. A late entrant has to close that experience gap as well as the gap in delivered numbers.
The new standard: Can the force keep fighting?
Western progress should be measured against 2 deficits together.
- Production that cannot absorb losses is insufficient.
- Production that cannot incorporate lessons risks replenishing the force with equipment the enemy has already learned to defeat.
Closing the gap requires orders large and predictable enough to support sustained output, funded component alternatives, and testing and approval processes that can move useful revisions into service while production continues. Development of more capable drones must run alongside that effort. It cannot be the reason mass remains several years away.
The earlier problem was that too many Western drones were poorly suited to the war in Ukraine.
The update is that the industrial response still falls short of the war’s scale and pace. More announcements, larger percentage increases and successful demonstrations do not establish readiness. That requires enough effective systems in service, enough replacements behind them, and the ability to change both before the enemy makes the next configuration obsolete.
Sources
[1] DroneSense AI. “Overengineering and Attrition: Why U.S. Drones Are Failing in Ukraine.”
[2] U.S. Department of Defense. “Drone Dominance Program.”
[6] RUSI. “Drones: Decoupling Supply Chains from China.”
[7] PRODRONE. “METI Certifies ‘Supply Security Plan’ to Promote Stable Supply of Domestic Drones.”
[8] UK Parliament. “Project NYX: Armed Autonomous Drones, Written Question 17407.”
[9] Bundeswehr. “‘Nachgefragt’ zum Einsatz von Drohnen.”
[12] C4ADS. “Airborne Axis: Inside the Deal That Brought Iranian Drone Production to Russia.”